Watching the Watchdogs
William Fisher* 
NEW YORK, Jul 18 (IPS) - For the past few years, U.S. citizens have lived 
with an increasingly secretive government. 
More official documents are being classified than ever before -- at least 16 
million last year alone -- while the declassification process, which made 
millions of historical documents available annually in the 1990s, has slowed to 
a relative crawl. 
And federal agencies are creating new categories of "semi-secrets", bearing 
vague labels like "sensitive security information." 
This increasing secrecy, which accelerated sharply after attacks of Sep. 11, 
2001, is estimated to cost taxpayers more than eight billion dollars annually 
and is drawing protests from a growing array of politicians and activists, 
including Republican members of Congress, leaders of the independent commission 
that studied the Sept. 11 attacks, and even the top federal official who 
oversees classification. 
Meanwhile, requests for these documents under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) 
are at an all-time high, and the government is taking ever-longer to respond -- 
or claiming exemptions on grounds of national security and not responding at 
all. The FOIA law was enacted in 1968 to provide greater access to government 
documents. 
Yet even in this opaque environment, the U.S. government is still far more 
transparent than most. And much of the credit goes to two federal agencies -- 
the Government Accountability Office (GAO) and the Inspectors General (IGs), who 
operate in virtually all major government departments. 
According to Steven Aftergood, who heads the Project on Government Secrecy for 
the Federation of American Scientists (FAS), "Both organisations often have a 
direct impact on particular policies and programmes, and play a vital role in 
nourishing public awareness." 
Aftergood is part of a small group of non-governmental agencies that watch the 
watchdogs. He told IPS, "Both sets of organisations routinely 'make news' and 
help to inform public debate." 
In this, the first of two articles, IPS examines the GAO. 
Created by Congress in 1921, GAO is independent of the executive branch of 
government. According to Jeff Ruch, who heads another of the "watchdog watcher" 
organisations, the Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility (PEER), "On 
a monthly basis, GAO uncovers more problems within executive agencies than all 
the IGs combined do in a year." 
He told IPS, "While GAO is a creature of Congress, that oversight goes to what 
it examines and the size of its budget. We have never heard of a draft GAO 
report watered down by Congressional intervention." 
With a staff of 3,200 and an annual budget of 463.6 million dollars, the GAO is 
headed by the Comptroller General of the United States (CG), currently David M. 
Walker, who came to the job with extensive government and private sector 
experience. 
In an effort to de-politicise its operations and ensure continuity, the CG is 
appointed by the president for a term of 10 years; the current CG was appointed 
by Pres. Bill Clinton (1992-2000). 
GAO's mission is to help improve the performance and assure the accountability 
of the federal government. Last year its staff testified 217 times before 
Congress, and over the past four years it has made 2,700 recommendations for 
improving government operations -- 83 percent of which have been implemented. It 
claims its work in 2004 saved taxpayers 44 billion dollars. 
Because of its size and huge budget, the Defence Department has been a frequent 
target of GOA criticism. This year, it charged that the Pentagon was spending 
over 13 billion dollars to maintain and buy often duplicative business software 
and computer systems. 
In another report, it said that over the last three years, the Pentagon disposed 
of 33 billion dollars in "excess" equipment -- for pennies on the dollar. Some 
four billion dollars of this equipment was reported to be in new, unused, or 
excellent condition. 
In yet another report, the GAO blasted the Pentagon for its "atrocious financial 
management," saying the Defence Department was not able to give federal 
oversight officials a full accounting of the one billion dollars being spent 
each week on the war in Iraq. 
"If the Department of Defence were a business, they'd be out of business," said 
GAO boss Walker. "They have absolutely atrocious financial management." 
GAO also reported that the Environmental Protection Agency is failing to protect 
the public from tens of thousands of toxic compounds because it has not gathered 
data on the health risks of most industrial chemicals 
It criticised the Office of Management and Budget for weaknesses in its security 
reporting guidance and reported deficiencies in the information security 
policies and practices at 24 of the largest federal agencies. -- putting 
financial data at risk of unauthorised modification or destruction, and putting 
sensitive information at risk of inappropriate disclosure. 
GAO found that inaccurate reporting by the Department of Energy (DOE) was 
covering up the agency's failure ensure that 50 percent of subcontracts went to 
small businesses. 
It charged that "plenty" of the 8.8. million passports issued by the State 
Department in 2004 went to killers, rapists, drug dealers and even terrorists 
because the FBI did not routinely share with the State Department its list of 
fugitives wanted by state and federal agencies. 
Among those who fell through the intelligence cracks were nine murder suspects, 
five sex offenders, three drug dealers and one alleged bombing suspect. One of 
the fugitives on the list managed to obtain a U.S. passport less than a year and 
a half after being on the FBI's 10 most-wanted list. 
But the GAO's work does not always produce success stories. In 2001, it demanded 
to see the minutes of an Energy Task Force headed by Vice Pres. Dick Cheney -- 
following allegations that the group was "packed" with energy industry 
executives. For the first time since the GAO's founding, it filed a lawsuit 
against Cheney to enforce its right of access to records. After several years, 
the Supreme Court ruled the minutes were privileged. 
Steven Aftergood of FAS injects a further cautionary note. He resists "idealising 
the IGs or the GAO as 'truth tellers'. 
"What they represent, instead, are old-fashioned checks and balances. They are 
government organisations and officials with a degree of independence and a 
charter to investigate. If this seems heroic, then that tells something about 
the times we live in," he told IPS. 
*Part Two of this special series will appear Tuesday, Jul 19. (END/2005) 
 
Copyright © 2005 IPS-Inter Press Service. All rights reserved.