October 25, 2004 |
"My party, the Republican party, is too deep in bed with the coal,
oil and electric utility industries to remember its free market
principles."
- Jim Rubens, RE Insider
I am a Republican who backs the war in Iraq because a genocidal tyrant was toppled. However, few will secretly disagree that oil explains why the United States intervened in Iraq, but unleashed only rhetoric against genocide in Rwanda. Oil is why we prop up Saudi princes even as they fund thousands of Madrasas -- Islamic schools which teach hatred of America and a rising generation of terrorists. Saudi Arabia has the world's largest proven oil reserves; Iraq is number two; Rwanda has zero.
In 1972, the year before the first Arab oil embargo, oil imports were 28
percent of our consumption. Last year we sent $122 billion overseas to import 62
percent of our oil. The Persian Gulf region now has 65 percent of world's oil
reserves, a number that has increased over the past three decades. Gulf 65
percent, North America 7 percent and declining. Our economy and way of life are
utterly dependent upon energy imports from unstable nations whose populations
are overtly hostile.
The fossil fuels - oil, natural gas and coal - sully far more than our moral
clarity. America obtains 86 percent of its energy from these sources. Our abject
dependence on fossil fuels harms our economy, exports our jobs, pollutes our air
and each year prematurely kills over 100,000 Americans. To preserve this
irrational and dangerous addiction, we provide at least $250 billion dollars
each year in dollar and non-dollar subsidies for fossil fuels.
Direct and tax subsidies. The watchdog group, Taxpayers for Common Sense,
tabulates 16 of these special interest paybacks, at a total cost of $5 billion
per year. The worst of these is the "synfuel" tax credit, costing
taxpayers $1.3 billion each year. Originally intended to replace oil with
abundant domestic coal, companies now finagle synfuel credits by spraying diesel
fuel or corn starch on ordinary coal to qualify. Forbes quotes energy consultant
Forrest Hill cackling, "A dog could walk by and raise his leg over a piece
of coal and it would qualify."
Defense subsidy. American taxpayers subsidize the military protection of
petroleum production and distribution from the Persian Gulf and Southwest Asia,
money we would otherwise not spend if we and our close allies were not dependent
upon these politically unstable regions. The National Defense Council Foundation
estimates these incremental fossil fuel defense costs at $49 billion annually.
The conservative Cato Institute places the cost at $30-$60 billion.
Uncompensated environmental and health costs. Economists call these
hidden costs externalities. Fossil fuels' chief environmental and health costs
result from atmospheric emissions of carbon dioxide, fine particulates, mercury,
and the nitrogen and sulfur oxides. Depending upon pollutant, from 50 to 90
percent of human-caused air pollution results from production and combustion of
fossil fuels.
The effects include reduced agricultural and forest productivity, acid rain,
inedible fish, learning disorders, asthma, premature death, building
deterioration, White Mountains haze and global warming. Summing this category of
fossil fuel costs is complex and fraught with methodological and values
disagreements. But using the most conservative data I can find anywhere, then
rounding aggressively downward, environmental and health externalities are at
the very least $100 billion annually.
Economic disruption cost. Our heavy dependency on oil and gas from
hostile and unstable regions results in periodic supply disruptions, price
shocks and OPEC oligopoly price-gouging. A U.S. Department of Energy study found
that these economic disruptions have cost the American economy an average of at
least $125 billion each year over the past 30 years. This is an intolerable
annual penalty of 1 percent of our Gross Domestic Product.
Fortunately, we have a dramatically better option than fossil fuel dependency.
We can accelerate economic growth and improve national security by terminating
fossil fuel subsidies and establishing a free market system encouraging clean,
domestically-produced, high-technology energy. Energy is a global $3 trillion
growth industry, the world's largest. We have the capital and the inventiveness
to lead its transformation.
Said no less an authority than Sheikh Zaki Yamani, the Saudi oil minister during
the 1970s, "The Stone Age did not end for lack of stone, and the Oil Age
will end long before the world runs out of oil."
Solar, wind and geothermal sources are each sufficiently abundant to supply all
of current global energy demand. Technological obstacles are yet to be overcome,
but thanks largely to American entrepreneurship, wind power is already
competitive with natural gas. As governor of Texas, George Bush signed into law
a state Renewable Electricity Standard that unleashed a wind power boom in his
state. New Hampshire's own GT Equipment Technologies is the worldwide leader in
solar photovoltaic manufacturing equipment - and has an R&D plan to make
solar electricity price competitive within 10 years.
So why does Washington continue to shower the present dirty energy system with
subsidies? Answer: my party, the Republican party, is too deep in bed with the
coal, oil and electric utility industries to remember its free market
principles. Democratic party hands are also unclean. Ted Kennedy stalled
America's largest offshore wind energy project because he did not want to see
distant windmills from his Cape Cod beach house. And except during price spikes,
the media and the public fail to connect a new energy policy with job growth and
national security.
Passing a national Renewable Electricity Standard and the McCain-Lieberman
climate bill would make a modest start to making a bigger market for clean,
domestic energy sources. Let's end the oil wars and declare fossil fuels the
loser.
About the author...
Jim Rubens is a former state senator from Hanover, New Hampshire. He makes his
living from technology and real estate investing. He is a consultant on energy
policy for Washington-based Union of Concerned Scientists. The opinions here are
his own.
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