INTRODUCTION
Decreasing oil supplies and increasing gas supplies are
interdependent and interlinked, but this is not a case of “One goes
up if the other goes down”. The reason is Peak Oil and a rapid shift
away from 'conventional oil' to lighter fossil hydrocarbons in the
oil-and-gas mix: around 15% to 20% of world oil is today, in fact,
gas-based and gas-related, described by terms such as NGL and
condensates, that is natural gas liquids that are condensed, with
the gas usually reinjected to maintain reservoir pressure or thrown
away by venting or flaring. The old-style or 'traditional' image of
oil produced by a land-based wooden derrick is replaced today by
massive metallic platform structures in the sea. These always
include flare stacks burning off a greasy gas, with black billowing
smoke – in fact laden with liquid hydrocarbons and dissolved
minerals and metals, most of them highly toxic. The vented gas is of
course invisible, but surely not in climate change impacts. Methane,
relative to CO2 has a climate change impact about 20 times higher.
Around 9% of today's world gas production is lost in the production
and transport process. The loss rate is increasing much faster than
production (about 7.5% pa for losses and 5% pa for production).
Peak Oil precedes Peak Gas, but the time interval between the two
is not 'canonical' or fixed, exactly like the division of
'associated' gas and 'unassociated' or 'stranded' gas – the first
being associated with oil production, the second not. How fast we
arrive at Peak Gas, or a permanent decline in net total gas
production and supply will depend on how gas/oil tradeoffs are made,
driven by relative prices and other factors, especially the cost and
time needed to build gas gathering and recovery infrastructures for
'associated' gas, and new, almost exclusively LNG or liquefied
natural gas infrastructures for 'stranded' gas. Where it is not
possible to build these infrastructures, gas will be lost in larger
and larger quantities, shortening the time to Peak Gas through a
combination of reduced reserves, and insufficient production
installations and transport infrastructures. This is the exact
dilemma now facing Russia's Gazprom, a 'microcosm' of the world
context in which too much delay in recovering the current vast
quantities of 'associated' gas that are thrown away can only advance
the date of Peak Gas.
Greasy Gas and Precious Oil
World oil is increasingly produced from hot greasy gas, the
condensates, with a temperature around 180°C, far above the maximum
possible temperature for liquid oil This hot greasy gas is typically
produced at 3000 or 4000 metres below the seabed, which itself can
be at 3000 or 4000 metres below the water surface in 'extreme depth
offshore' producer regions such as Angola and deep Gulf of Mexico.
Depending on the percentage oil in the greasy gas, it is categorised
different ways, but what is recovered is 'reformed' or cleaned and
condensed, to give liquid oil, and the dissolved contaminants are
usually dumped in the sea. Much of the lighter gas is flared: night
sky satellite pictures of large offshore production areas, like the
North Sea, show a blaze of light similar to any big city, or urban
region. In the North Sea, the electric power equivalent of flared
gas is likely above 1500 MW.
The old-style wooden derrick surely produced some gas in the
oil-and-gas stream, but not much. Today's 'unconventional' oil
production, on a worldwide average base, is around 1 barrel oil
equivalent of gas produced, and reinjected, vented or flared, for
every 8 barrels of oil condensed out of the greasy gas and
commercialised. In some 'mature' that is old producer regions, where
'conventional' liquid oil production has been in decline for a long
time, the ratio is much higher, and more steps are taken to recover
the gas, and extract more liquid hydrocarbons (that is “oil”) out of
the oil-and-gas stream. This is the case of the USA, where
'conventional' oil production is only about 25% of total, or 1.5 Mbd
on a total of about 6 Mbd.
This concerns 'associated' gas, associated to oil production, and
obviously this is a tail-out phenomenon. Declining oil content in
the oil-and-gas stream gives way to essentially gas-only production.
When the gas-to-oil ratio gets very high, it is more rational to
throw away the oil, or recover only a small part of it, and to
concentrate on the gas. This is theory: while oil remains expensive
and gas remains relatively cheap (on a unit energy base), gas will
be reinjected or flared or dumped, unburnt, in the atmosphere, and
the precious oil recovered. Gas gathering from both 'associated' and
'unassociated' or gas-only reserves (the so-called 'stranded' gas
reserves) is expensive, as is gas transportation relative to oil.
This particularly concerns LNG or liquefied natural gas, putting a
heavy brake on LNG production from 'stranded' or 'associated' gas.
Reassuring images of the 'Gas Bridge' away from oil to gas, and
based on LNG, suffer from the normal defect of technology hype, that
is the cost and time constraints for building this 'LNG Gas Bridge'.
Taking only the time constraint, increasing world LNG to say 10% of
current world oil production in energy terms (producing about 8.6
Mbd oil equivalent of LNG) is likely impossible in less than 15 or
20 years even if unlimited capital spending was given to this quest.
Neither the time nor the capital is available for this, making the
'Gas Bridge' a bridge to nowhere, just like the miraculous but
inexistent 'Hydrogen Economy'.
Blurring Divisions and Diminishing Prospects
Worldwide, the division between associated and unassociated is in
fact blurred, because virtually all (at least 90%) of major
'stranded' gas reserves are in oil producing areas. The pressing
problem for world gas supplies is to increase recovery of currently
flared or vented 'associated' gas, rather than develop LNG-based
production from 'stranded' gas. The reasons are triple: quantities
of 'associated' gas currently thrown away, and time and cost
constraints. In addition, oil production needs to be maintained, and
this is more and more difficult. Gas is still underpriced but gas
production, especially in 'mature' gas producing regions – notably
Russia and USA – is increasingly expensive. In a pricing context
where gas prices remain volatile and low, unlike oil prices that are
volatile and high, the 'smart' money does not spontaneously roll
towards expanding gas production or developing new supply through
costly gas gathering installations. The same applies, but more so,
to much more expensive LNG capacity growth.
Along with the increased costs for expanding gas supplies to meet
world demand, which is growing at well above 5% pa (compared to
about 2.25% pa for oil), new developments take more time to add net
supply capacity. The total of 'associated' natural gas currently
flared worldwide, estimated by the World Bank at about 150 Billion
cubic metres/year (around 30% of Europe's total gas consumption or
more than enough to supply all electric power production in Black
Africa) is an attractive target for recovery, and a reassuringly
large quantity. This again is in theory: the gas is there, or rather
thrown away and 'used' to change world climate, but gathering it,
and using it for energy supply poses immense problems of cost and
time to develop infrastructures. At a smaller scale, but not so much
because Russia currently produces about 22% of world gas supply, and
is claimed to hold 30% of the world's remaining gas reserves
('associated' plus 'stranded'), this cost-and-time problem is now
acute for the 'clay-footed giant' of world gas, the Russian
Federation. Immediately in turn, this will soon pose major gas
supply and cost problems for dependent European Union gas consumer
countries – most of which are planning, and building new gas-fired
electric power capacity at 'Belle Epoque' rates, in part to comply
with Kyoto Treaty obligations, and on the fond belief that Russia's
gas, like Saudi Arabian oil of the 1980-2000 period, is “limitless”.
There are increasingly sure signs that Russia's Gazprom will not
be able to meet its self-assigned, and massive gas production
targets. The increasing vindictiveness of relations between Russian
oil and gas corporations, all closely controlled by Putin's Kremlin,
and foreign 'partners' such as BP, Total and Shell, are in large
part due to new gas reserves not being as big as hoped, and cost
plus time constraints for bringing these reserves into the Gazprom
gas gathering and transport network, serving Europe, that are always
increasing. Deliberately underestimating costs before project
starts, then raising them almost by the week as development grinds
slowly along, is a sure way to brew conflict between project
partners. As Ali Samsam Bakhtiari has put it:
Put in a nutshell, Gazprom's present predicament is untenable.
With dwindling production based on declining major gas fields (and
no fresh giant field on tap), the Russian gas monopolist will
inevitably have to curtail its exports as it cannot (or rather dares
not) cut domestic supplies delivered at extreme-low prices.....
Thus, it will have to boost export prices in order to compensate for
internal 'manque a gagner' and also hope to somehow lower external
demand. He goes on: (Gazprom's) present pipe network spanning over
some 150,000 kilometers is in daily danger and will require in the
future ever-increasing maintenance linked to spiraling costs. (Bakhtiari,
March 2006).
As Bakhtiari and plenty of other observers surmise, Gazprom
boasts of 'almost unlimited' gas reserves, are no more than boasts,
and identical to oil reserve bragging by OPEC countries – designed
to suck in capital and bolster investor confidence. In the real
world, the diminishing but critical gas reserves of the
three-biggest west Siberian gas fields (all of them 'associated')
are unable to meet even short-term gas demand of Russia's domestic,
CIS, and EU consumers. Only massive capital spending, and immense
luck would make it possible for Russia to meet projected gas export
demand in the 2009-2015 period. Put another way, Peak Gas, for
Gazprom and its down-the-gasline consumer customers, is likely to
arrive quite early, about 2009. Rather like the erudite calculations
of Marx and Engels (based on 19th C thermodynamics principles
related to the inverse square law) advanced to support their idea
that imperial powers would expand ever outward but meet vastly
increasing logistics problems, due to distance from the Mother
Country, the logistics of gas gathering spirals up in cost and time
as more, smaller and further gas fields need to be tapped, to
maintain production. The key word is: maintain. Increasing total
production will soon be a forgotten promise, and lure for incoming
partners, a hangover from the 1995-2000 period, certainly for
Russian gas.
Knock-on and Downstream Effects
It is important to understand that average members of the
consumer masses, or decision making masses have no conception of
Peak Gas being imminent. While Peak Oil is grudgingly accepted, at
least to the extent that 'After Oil' is a buzzword in corporate
planning and political policymaking circles – where it can turn a
profit or deliver votes – Peak Gas is an entirely unheard of and
unwelcome spectre. Almost by definition, for consumers of cheap
energy, gas is the “replacement fuel”, with many advantages: these
include the belief that gas, because of its 'near limitless
abundance' can only be cheap, is an 'environment friendly' energy
source, and is available from nonOPEC and non-Arab or non-Muslim
countries. This latter belief is immediately contradicted by
reality. Apart from Russia – already at the edge of Peak Gas – the
world's biggest remaining gas reserves are in Iraq, Iran, UAE,
Qatar, Turkmenistan, Nigeria and Venezuela. The claimed 'environment
friendly' nature of natural gas, especially in relation to climate
change, is contradicted by the huge loss rate relative to delivered
and burned gas: at least 9% of world gas goes straight into the sky,
unburned, where it acts as a very powerful GHG. This loss rate will
very surely increase faster than production, notably because of
increasing transport distances, smaller gas fields exploited, and
increased attempts at gas storage, to cover sharply increasing
seasonal variation of gas demand.
This last point brings us onto yet another tell-tale sign of
approaching Peak Oil and Peak Gas: increasing seasonality of demand.
Major reasons for this include price – as price increases, so do
just-in-time buying habits – but there are also long-term factors
driving this trend. These notably climate change, resulting in
increased summer peaks of electric power demand (needing more gas,
and sometimes oil, for generation), and summer peaks of car fuel and
airplane fuel demand in the largely de-industrialised
'postindustrial' consumer societies, wallowing in a riot of
industrial goods consumption. Consuming now, not investing for a
future they don’t believe in, is a real world habit of the consumer
society, which translates to 'new techniques' for oil and gas
storage: that is trading gas and oil in transit, that may or may not
arrive, or even be there in first instance. This game began with
electricity and was typified by the Enron debacle; it is now in full
flood with oil and gas, and will produce the same end results.
For the analysts and policymakers there is the comfortable (to
them) and brutal solution of 'demand destruction'. When prices get
high enough, or supplies are not there, demand will surely drop, to
the floor or further. Yet this has not happened in the real world
and with oil, or gas, or electricity. As supply tightens, and prices
become more volatile, then higher, world energy demand goes on
growing because energy consumption shifts to consumers who can use
it, and do need it – as any economist, even of the New Economics
variety, will accept. In the case of world traded oil and gas, this
signals a shift from the old world and de-industrialising OECD
North, to the emerging industrial South, led by the two supergiant
economies of China and India. Here, potential demand is simply
'unlimited', much like demand potential in Europe and Japan during
the 'postwar economic miracle' of the 1950-1975 period.
Nice Theories and the Real World
Coming to grips with, even accepting the idea of Peak Oil has
taken at least 10 years, like the acceptance of climate change and
the need to do something about it – which has taken about 15 years.
How long will it take for Peak Gas to be accepted as fundamentally
linked and related to Peak Oil? The jury is out for deliberation on
this one, and nobody knows when it will be 'politically credible' to
advance the idea that world gas supplies are even today unassured,
and sure to decline, tomorrow. What is important is the triad
oil-gas-electricity, which unlike coal are all highly
interdependent. If one part of this three-leg stool falls away, the
stool falls. Demand projections for world electricity – growth is
running at 9% pa – all assume, either explicitly or implicitly, that
'abundant and cheap', as well as 'environment friendly' natural gas
will take the strain. This is for the real world, outside the cosy
images of wind farms, and nuclear power stations that will not be
built. Removing cheap gas from the picture will very surely trouble
the reassuring but impossible concept that after Peak Oil we will
have a 'Gas Bridge' for decades, even for 50 years as some die-hard
dreamers like to proclaim.
Gas prices will soon firmly link to oil prices, that is expensive
oil will drag up gas prices rather than underpriced gas dragging
down oil prices – this being what most consumer country deciders
like to believe, surely hope, and inscribe into white papers and
green books as a surrogate for reality. This oil-gas price linkage
will start soon, at latest by 2007-2008. The excesses of downward
price speculation in 2006 (gas prices falling to an equivalent of
about 17 USD/barrel), so attractive to consumers and political
leaders of the consumer countries, will soon be a thing of the past,
no doubt mirrored by upward price speculation of the same
'imaginative' virility and excess. The main problem – exactly as for
oil – will be that fast-rising gas prices will do little or nothing
for increased supply and supply capacity. This is yet another
telltale sign of the fundamental linkage between Peak Oil and Peak
Gas.
On the positive side, high and firm energy prices will finally
allow and enable energy transition. This has been described many
times by myself, and will need to feature organised, planned and
automatically funded effort, worldwide, to rationalise oil and gas
utilisation, sharply reduce oil and gas intensity (average per
capita demand) in the OECD countries, and rapidly develop renewable
energy on a coherent international base. Time is ticking away, the
countdown to Peak Gas is now as easy to guesstimate as the Peak Oil
countdown, but as ever the absence of coordinated and international
response is a tribute to, or proof of the incoherence of so-called
New Economics and its defenders. In the effective real world, as we
know, the Gazprom crisis – and likely future debacle – has
translated to grotesque cold war atavism, with sharp rising tension
between Putin's Russia and its European clients and customers,
encouraged and intensified by the USA. Conflict and rivalry for
Turkmenistan's gas reserves is linked to the Afghan war. Iran's
'immense and unlimited' gas reserves – exaggerated in the same way
as Russian reserves – are treated by some as a raison de guerre,
that is booty for the victors in the case of 'Iran regime change'.
Gas rivalry and conflict also now affects relations between
Argentina, Brazil and their new supplier, Bolivia. Little or
nothing, conversely, is being done to raise gas recovery in Nigeria,
with the highest ratio worldwide of flared gas to produced oil,
despite World Bank hand wringing on the subject. The list is long,
and time and money are short. Peak Gas will surely arrive while the
jury is still out, debating whether Peak Gas exists!
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CyberTech, Inc. - All rights reserved.
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