Reagan Would Say No
Leaders who would consider involving the United States in Syria’s civil
war against the will of the American people should weigh their decision
against Ronald Reagan’s four principles for “the application of military
force abroad.” Reagan established these principles after nearly 300
American and French troops were killed in an attack on their barracks in
Beirut in 1983. He listed them in his autobiography:
1. The United States should not commit its forces to military action
overseas unless the cause is vital to our national interest.
2. If the decision is made to commit our forces to combat abroad, it
must be done with the clear intent and support needed to win. It should
not be a halfway or tentative commitment, and there must be clearly
defined and realistic objectives.
3. Before we commit our troops to combat, there must be reasonable
assurance that the cause we are fighting for and the actions we take
will have the support of the American people and Congress. (We all felt
that the Vietnam War had turned into such a tragedy because military
action had been undertaken without sufficient assurances that the
American people were behind it.)
4. Even after all these other combat tests are met, our troops should be
committed to combat abroad only as a last resort, when no other choice
is available. (Ronald Reagan: An American Life, 466)
Measure the Obama administration's muddled case for war in Syria against
these principles.
“The clear intent and support needed to win”? Secretary of Defense Chuck
Hagel
said Wednesday in a Congressional hearing that the mission would
cost in the range of “tens of millions of dollars.” Tomahawk missiles
cost about one million dollars apiece. If it’s going to cost tens (not
hundreds) of millions, what are we talking about? Lobbing fifty or so
missiles onto targets which the President has given the Syrian regime
weeks to evacuate?
Last night, ABC News and CNN
reported the Pentagon will potentially use B-52 and B-2 bombers,
indicating a much larger campaign that would likely cost more than the
“tens of millions” Secretary Hagel predicted.
Indeed, the administration appears to be simply thinking out loud about
taking the country to war.
That’s exactly the phrase Secretary of State John Kerry used to describe
part of his testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in
which he waffled back and forth on the question of whether the President
might require American combat troops in Syria.
Early in the
hearing he stated unequivocally, “We all agree, there will be no
American boots on the ground.”
Then when asked if the administration would accept a Congressional
resolution prohibiting “boots on the ground,” Secretary Kerry said it
would prefer not to, before proceeding to imagine a scenario in which
American ground forces might end up in Syria.
Then he said he had just been “thinking out loud,” and that he really
meant that the administration would have “no problem” with a resolution
which left it with “zero capacity for American troops on the ground.”
In the same hearing, General Martin Dempsey, the chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, said he couldn’t speak to the scope of the
authorization the President is seeking from Congress. When Senator Bob
Corker asked, “What is it you’re seeking?”,
the general replied, “I can’t answer that, what we’re seeking.”
The Obama administration is seemingly making this up as its goes along.
On Sunday the Wall Street Journal
reported that President Obama made the last-minute decision to seek
Congressional approval “after returning from a 45-minute walk.” Yet the
President wouldn’t ask lawmakers to return to Washington early. Only
days after sending Secretary Kerry in front of the cameras to make what
sounded like an urgent case for a strike, the administration reversed
its tone completely, saying it didn’t matter if the U.S. launched its
attack tomorrow or a month from now.
How can Congress be expected to vote in favor of improvisational war
planning--especially for action that meets none of the criteria
President Reagan described?
Your Friend,
Newt
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